Is India Being Squeezed by a New Regional Axis?

   

by Asad Mirza

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Reports suggest the talks revolved around strengthening economic and security ties, with special attention to the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor and broader regional stability.

The week brought both promise and unease for Indian diplomacy. The Chinese Foreign Minister visited Delhi and held discussions with Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The Ministry of External Affairs described the talks as fruitful. Yet Indian diplomats were unsettled by parallel developments, including the visit of Pakistan’s Commerce Minister and Foreign Minister to Dhaka, and the Chinese Foreign Minister’s subsequent trip to Islamabad.

 

Prime Minister Modi spoke of the “steady progress” in India’s relationship with China after he met with Wang Yi. Beijing’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs said both countries had entered a “steady development track” and that they “trust and support” each other.

Wang also held talks with External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar and National Security Adviser Ajit Doval. According to India’s Ministry of External Affairs, the discussions with Doval centred on de-escalation, delimitation, and boundary matters.

Shifting Alignments in South Asia

For Indian diplomats, the growing rapport between Islamabad and Dhaka carried even greater weight. The removal of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina following violent unrest has opened space for Pakistan to strengthen its ties with Bangladesh.

India’s defence establishment views this rapprochement with concern. The possibility of China, Pakistan, and Bangladesh aligning more closely raises fears of India’s strategic isolation. Anxiety centres on the Siliguri corridor, the narrow land link connecting mainland India to its northeastern states.

China’s and Pakistan’s growing presence in Bangladesh has also placed additional strain on India’s defence forces, already deployed along the border, the Line of Control, and the Line of Actual Control. Reports suggest that Pakistan’s intelligence chiefs have paid repeated visits to Dhaka to counter India’s influence.

Economic Diplomacy Between Pakistan and Bangladesh

During his recent visit to Dhaka, Pakistan’s Commerce Minister Jam Kamal Khan heard Bangladesh express a strong interest in narrowing its trade gap with Pakistan. Proposed measures included reviving a trade and investment commission, removing anti-dumping duties on hydrogen peroxide exports, and reinstating duty-free tea quotas.

Bangladesh’s Commerce Adviser SK Bashir Uddin said discussions had been “very intensive.” He explained that the two sides were working to reactivate the Bangladesh-Pakistan Joint Economic Commission, dormant for more than 15 years, alongside a new body to promote bilateral trade and investment.

Bangladesh also requested Pakistan’s support to develop its leather and sugar industries. Bashir reminded his counterpart that Bangladesh once enjoyed a duty-free quota of 10 million kilograms of tea exports to Pakistan and urged that this be restored. He noted that Bangladesh imports food from multiple sources, with wheat from Pakistan as a mainstay. If Pakistan offered competitive pricing, imports could increase.

Asked whether Dhaka was leaning towards Islamabad, Bashir replied that Bangladesh sought balanced engagement. “We are leaning towards everyone, Pakistan, the United States, and even India, from where we are importing onions. Bangladesh’s interest comes first,” he said.

Pakistan’s Renewed Outreach to Dhaka

Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister, Muhammad Ishaq Dar, also travelled to Dhaka, marking the first such visit in 13 years. Pakistan’s Foreign Ministry described it as an “important step in strengthening bilateral ties.” Dar met political leaders across the spectrum, including the BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami. The latter’s historical opposition to Bangladesh’s independence in 1971 made the meeting especially significant.

According to The Daily Star, both countries intend to revive their Joint Economic Commission, with a meeting planned for September or October. Pakistan’s Finance Minister Muhammad Aurangzeb is scheduled to attend in Dhaka.

Following delegation-level talks with Bangladesh’s Foreign Affairs Adviser Mohammad Touhid Hussain, a visa-free pact was agreed. Other accords covered cooperation in trade, diplomatic training, education, media, strategic studies, and cultural exchange.

At a joint press conference, Dar said Pakistan wanted “a new era of partnership with Bangladesh.” He urged the government, political parties, and youth to come together to strengthen bilateral relations.

Adding to this series of exchanges, Bangladesh’s Chief of Army Staff, General Waker-Uz Zaman, paid an official visit to China. He met senior civilian and military leaders, underlining Dhaka’s deepening defence ties with Beijing.

China has long been a strategic partner for Bangladesh in military training and procurement, and this visit confirmed that the relationship remains central to Dhaka’s security calculus.

Beijing and Islamabad’s Strategic Convergence

In Islamabad, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi met Pakistan’s Chief of Army Staff, Field Marshal Asim Munir, at the General Headquarters. Their discussions focused on the fragile security environment of South Asia, particularly Afghanistan, India, and the Gulf region. Reports suggest the talks revolved around strengthening economic and security ties, with special attention to the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor and broader regional stability.

Amid this cycle of high-level exchanges came the announcement that Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif would soon travel to China. His visit is expected to inaugurate the second phase of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, delayed for years and now branded as a transformative plan for jobs, industry, and growth. At its core, however, the project deepens China’s hold on Pakistan’s economy.

For India, the initiative carries implications far beyond economics. The corridor runs through Gilgit-Baltistan and parts of Azad Kashmir, territories claimed by India. By expanding activity there, China and Pakistan reinforce Islamabad’s position, which New Delhi regards as a direct challenge to its sovereignty.

Gwadar and Strategic Anxiety

Gwadar remains a focal point of Indian concern. Though presented as a commercial hub, the port is seen in New Delhi as a potential base for Chinese naval deployment. With the expansion planned under CPEC-II, this possibility appears more immediate. The associated industrial hubs heighten the anxiety, since Chinese projects often blur civilian and military use. Special economic zones may double as logistics and surveillance nodes directed at India.

The timing further compounds the tension. Even as India and China reopen dialogue after years of confrontation along their disputed border, Beijing continues to strengthen its embrace of Islamabad. For New Delhi, this signals a two-pronged strategy. Chinese-backed ports now ring India’s maritime zone, from Hambantota in Sri Lanka to Kyaukpyu in Myanmar, creating what many analysts describe as a tightening “string of pearls.”

Pakistan’s Mounting Risks

For Pakistan, the wager is immense. Debt from the first phase of the corridor already burdens its economy. The second phase promises even deeper commitments. Experience weighs heavily. The original project was once celebrated as a “game-changer.” Instead, it left Pakistan grappling with mounting debt, persistent energy shortages, and repeated delays. Many fear that the sequel may follow the same path.

Taken together, these diplomatic, military, and economic manoeuvres point to a recalibration of regional alignments. Beijing and Islamabad seek closer coordination with Dhaka while tightening their bilateral partnership. For Indian diplomats, this presents mounting pressure to devise responses that counter the combined moves of three neighbours. India has historically avoided strategies of manipulation or playing one rival against another. Its commitment to a more transparent diplomacy makes the task especially difficult.

(The writer is a New Delhi-based senior commentator on national, international, defence and strategic affairs, environmental issues, an interfaith practitioner, and a media consultant. Ideas are personal.)

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