After representing it five of the seven times after 1975, Omar Abdullah is seriously attempting to reclaim Ganderbal for the family. Though a bastion of his family’s influence for decades, he faces a multitude of challenges and his campaign is being tested like never before, reports Humaira Nabi
Omar Abdullah’s voice trembled with emotion as he addressed a gathering of supporters after filing his nomination papers for the upcoming assembly elections in Ganderbal:“myoun dastar, myoun yazat, myoun ye toype che tehendyan athan manz. myanes dastars karev raachh. mae dyev akh moke tohe khidmat karnuk,”he said, his words laced with a deep sense of humility. (I entrust my honour to you. Please grant me the opportunity to serve you).
Omar’s emotional gesture of removing his skull cap and cradling it in his hands resonated with the crowd. It displayed his part sincerity, part desperation despite his halting Kashmiri. This moment sparked a social media buzz, with many noting it as uncharacteristic of his perceived grand leadership style.
In a significant move, Abdullah is contesting the Ganderbal assembly seat for the third time, despite his initial reservations about the Chief Minister’s authority and the region’s status. He believed contesting for an election in which he (as Chief Minister) will have to wait outside the LG’s office to sign his file may not be his cup of tea. Later, he relented, reportedly under party pressure.
Now, he is contesting from two places – Ganderbal and Budgam. This has raised concerns about the grand old party’s prospects in Ganderbal, where party workers’ enthusiasm is muted and a strong challenge from PDP’s Bashir Ahmad Mir looms.
Mir is a non-native for Ganderbal. He lives in Kangan and has, in the past, given a tough fight to Mian Altaf, now the Lok Sabha member from Anantnag-Rajouri. After Kangan was reserved for Scheduled Tribes (ST), PDP moved Mir to Ganderbal. Mir has been a very popular figure in the belt simply because he used to take risks and jump into the ferocious Sindh River and rescue the people who were trapped and washed away. Earlier, he had given a tough competition to the NC in Kangan.
Mir’s entry into Ganderbal will make the contest in the ‘king-maker’ constituency very interesting.
A Kingmaker Constituency?
Ganderbal, one of the 90 constituencies in the Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly, holds a distinct significance in the region’s political landscape. This constituency is often referred to as the ‘CM maker’ due to its historical importance in shaping the state’s leadership, especially post-1975.
Omar’s victory in the 2008 assembly election marked a turning point in his political career, as he became the Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir for six years. This win was a testament to the enduring legacy of his family in the constituency. His father, Dr Farooq Abdullah, had previously contested from Ganderbal three times, in 1983, 1987, and 1996, emerging victorious each time and serving as Chief Minister for over a decade.
The king-making in Ganderbal started with Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, the National Conference founder, who won Ganderbal in 1977, becoming Chief Minister.
However, Omar Abdullah’s 2002 loss was a rare defeat for the family in this constituency. Then, Kashmir chief cleric, Mirwaiz Umar Farooq likened this loss to a personal and symbolic blow, saying it was like being “thrown out of the Jamia Masjid” – highlighting Ganderbal’s significance to the Abdullah family’s political fortunes. This “loss” led Omar helter-skelter initially to Sonawar, then to Beerwa, and finally in 2024 Lok Sabha to Baramulla and finally back “home”.
A Family’s Legacy
The Abdullahs’ political influence in Ganderbal dates back to 1975, when Muhammad Maqbool Bhat (died October 6, 2021), a prominent Congress leader who later joined the National Conference, resigned as Ganderbal representative to pave the way for Sheikh. This strategic move, orchestrated in Delhi, aimed to facilitate Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah’s return to power.
In 1975, re-elections were held in two crucial constituencies: Qazigund and Ganderbal. This followed a political agreement allowing Sheikh Abdullah to re-enter mainstream politics after years of imprisonment and exile.
Maqbool’s political career in Ganderbal had begun in 1967, when he won the seat on a Congress ticket, defeating Peer Muhammad Yousuf of Bakshi Ghulam Muhammad’s National Conference. He became a member of the Jammu and Kashmir State Legislative Assembly and retained it in the 1972 elections.
In 1972, senior legislators, including Maqbool, initiated discussions with Sheikh Abdullah on behalf of the government, paving the way for his return to power. Subsequent negotiations between Mirza Afzal Beg and G Parthasarathy culminated in the Indira-Sheikh Abdullah accord, which took effect in February 1975. This accord enabled Sheikh Abdullah to re-enter mainstream politics after years of imprisonment and ousting.
Path to Legislative Membership
Sheikh Abdullah’s appointment as leader of the house was met with significant challenges, primarily due to his lack of party backing and elected representatives. He along with two aides was heading a Congress house, literally. According to the rules, a Chief Minister or cabinet minister can serve for up to six months without being elected, provided they secure legislative membership within that period to continue in office.
Jammu and Kashmir had a bicameral legislature – a directly elected legislative assembly and an indirectly elected legislative council. The entire cabinet has to have a membership of either of the two bodies. (Under the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Act, the BJP government devoured the council leaving a single legislative body in Jammu and Kashmir.)
Sheikh Abdullah and his cabinet faced difficulties securing legislative membership within six months. New Delhi proposed a compromise: creating two vacant seats in Kashmir. Muhammad Maqbool Bhat resigned from Ganderbal, allowing Sheikh Abdullah to contest, while Congressman GH Parray vacated Qazigund for Mirza Muhammad Afzal Beg. This move, facilitated by Maqbool’s resignation, re-established Sheikh Abdullah’s influence and began the Abdullah family’s lasting association with Ganderbal, paving the way for his future political success.
In the 1977 elections, Sheikh Abdullah contested from Ganderbal and went on to become the Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir. Following his demise on September 8, 1982, his son, Dr Farooq Abdullah, chose Ganderbal as his home constituency, winning elections in 1983, 1987, and 1996. The constituency has since become a stronghold for the Abdullah family. Finally, when Omar also filed his papers from the segment, it was being seen as a family heirloom.
Political Fortunes
In the 2002 elections, Omar, the third-generation Abdullah, contested from Ganderbal but lost. He suffered a defeat at the hands of Qazi Mohammad Afzal, a relatively unknown PDP politician. Qazi, a first-time candidate, secured 11,622 votes, surpassing Omar’s 8,752 votes. This loss marked the end of the National Conference’s 27-year unchallenged representation of Ganderbal.
Despite this setback, Omar bounced back in the 2008 assembly elections, winning Ganderbal and becoming the third Chief Minister from the Abdullah family. In 2014, Omar chose to contest from Beerwah and Sonawar, eventually winning from the Budgam belt and losing from the neighbourhood.
In the recent Lok Sabha elections, Omar Abdullah faced another defeat, this time in the Baramulla constituency. He lost to Engineer Rasheed, a jailed politician, who is still not set free.
A Shift in Allegiances
Ganderbal district has two assembly segments: Kangan and Ganderbal. In recent years, the party has experienced a significant decline in support at the grassroots level in Ganderbal, unlike Kangan, which is a Scheduled Tribe (ST) constituency. The tribal community, mostly Gujjars, remain sentimentally inclined towards the Mian family, which also has a religious status within the community.
This segment was represented by the family in the assembly for the last 10 consecutive elections: Mian Nizamuddin in 1962; his son Mian Bashiruddin in 1967, 1972, 1977, 1983; and his grandson Main Altaf in 1987, 1996, 2002, 2008, 2014. Mian Altaf was recently elected to the Lok Sabha from South Kashmir. Now, his son, Mian Mehar Ali is contesting the assembly poll for the NC. Omar, while accompanying the youngest Mian on the day of nomination said he was confident of his victory, “given the fact that he is from the fourth generation of his family to contest in elections.”
Unlike Kangan, Ganderbal is slightly different. Too many natives are keen to represent their area. This has historically added to the party tensions.
On April 24, 2023, the NC expelled Ishfaq Jabbar, the party’s president of the district citing “serious differences with the party leadership” and a revolt against the party’s hierarchy. Jabbar had previously won the 2014 assembly polls on the NC ticket.
Ishfaq Jabbar’s political lineage is notable, being the son of Sheikh Jabbar, a close confidant of Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah who later joined a rebel group led by G M Shah in 1984 and became a minister. After the GM Shah government was buried by the Rajiv-Farooq Accord of 1986, the Jabbr family was close to Congress.
Years after his father’s assassination, Ishfaq joined NC in 2013, after previously contesting against Omar Abdullah in Ganderbal on the Congress ticket in 2008. His 2014 victory on the NC ticket was significant, marking a win after multiple failed attempts on the Congress ticket. Omar Abdullah had welcomed Ishfaq’s move to the NC as a ‘homecoming’.
Inside sources reveal that Ishfaq had been distancing himself from the National Conference (NC) since the abrogation of Article 370, particularly after his wife, Nuzhat Ishfaq, was elected chairperson of the Ganderbal District Development Council. Nuzhat, daughter of former legislator and senior NC leader Mohammad Sayeed Akhoon, won the DDC elections on the People’s Alliance for Gupkar Declaration (PAGD) ticket from Ganderbal. Interestingly, the NC denied the Akhoon mandate in Srinagar.
Ishfaq Jabbar subsequently formed his party, the Jammu Kashmir United Movement (JKUM), which extended its support to Altaf Bukhari in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. His expulsion from NC was seen as a significant setback for the party in the Ganderbal assembly constituency, given his local support in a few pockets. In the last few years, Ishfaq was seen as very close to the Lt Governor Manoj Sinha.
Managing Through Aides
For an area which has an MLA, who is also the Chief Minister, could be a blessing and a crisis. Once in office, the Chief Minister has to take care of the entire state and the constituency is managed by the individuals who are appointed. Omar is perceived as having a regal demeanour, which adds to this tension.
Following his defeat in the 2002 elections, Omar attempted to revive his family’s traditional constituency through door-to-door campaigns and seeking forgiveness for past neglect during the 2008 election campaigns. However, after regaining public trust, Omar reportedly continued to manage the constituency through his aides.
“He is a very arrogant person,” Sheikh Ishfaq said. “He did not have time for even MLCs and would make us feel inferior every time we met him. He must understand that he is not contesting from London. Kashmiris think and act differently. He has been unable to connect with the locals, and that will cost the NC dearly in the electoral process.”
In Ganderbal, some residents share a similar sentiment about Omar’s leadership style. “There is a stark difference in Farooq and Omar’s leadership,” said Farooq Ahmad Bhat, a Ganderbal native. “While Farooq would at least listen to your issues, Omar doesn’t even bother listening.”
Farooq further questioned Omar’s ability to connect with the locals, saying, “gode chune temis tagan kashur karun, su kya boze anpad senz kath”(He does not even talk in Kashmiri. How can he connect with an illiterate?).
Interestingly, people do not acknowledge that in the 2010 unrest that took place during Omar’s regime, Ganderbal was the only district where not a single person was arrested under the Public Safety Act. In Kashmir politics, people presume that development is part of the routine. Voting for a politician should fetch two things – jobs and a direct line of communication.
Multiple Challenges
Challenges are adding up as Omar returns to reclaim the ‘home’ turf. Ishfaq Jabbar one small challenge. Bashir Mir is a slightly bigger one. is now a contender against Omar for the seat. Even Ghulam Nabi Azad’s candidate is expected to get a few thousand votes, according to native assessments.
However, Omar faces additional challenges in the constituency. The National Conference (NC) and Congress have a seat-sharing arrangement for the Assembly elections in Jammu and Kashmir, with the NC contesting 52 seats and Congress 31. Nevertheless, the decision to field Omar in Ganderbal has caused discontent among some Congress workers and leaders.
As a result, Sahil Farooq, Congress’s district president, has decided to run as an independent candidate in protest. Farooq expressed his frustration, stating, “Candidates are air-dropped to represent the people of Ganderbal, but the youth of this constituency have now decided not to hand over their political destiny to an outsider.”
New Character Emerges?
Another intriguing development that may add an interesting element, though not a challenge, to the contest, is the potential candidacy of jailed cleric Sarjan Barkati (born Sarjan Ahmad Wagay), who has filed his nomination papers from Ganderbal. Dubbed the pied piper of the 2016 unrest from South Kashmir, Barkati is in jail in some case. Encouraged by Engineer Rsheed’s win from jail, his daughter attempted to follow Rasheed’s two sons. She filed her father’s nomination from the Zainapora constituency in the Shopian district but the papers were rejected due to the absence of an oath certificate.
Now he has filed her father’s papers from Ganderbal and In Beerwa (Budgam). Naysayers think it could mobilise a significant voter base sympathetic to Barkati’s release, mirroring a similar scenario Omar faced in the Baramulla Lok Sabha constituency elections.
“It seems, it is a well-thought-out move against Omar,” a political analyst said, requesting anonymity. Residents, however, believe it is unlikely to impact the polls on a scale that some people think it would.
This has led Omar and his party to get all the support that comes their way. Several youth leaders from Ganderbal, including Sayim Mustafa, have recently joined the National Conference (NC) with their supporters. Sayim was a sportsperson who metamorphosed into a political worker overnight. He contested the Lok Sabha election unsuccessfully. “Till Bashir Mir was off the scene, everybody was important,” a resident, who is personally into politics, said. “Now it is blacker and whiter, as shades are evaporating.”
Ganderbal is scheduled to go to polls in the second phase on September 25, with the counting set to take place on October 4.
Flip Flop
While Omar is pushed into a challenging contest, at least in Ganderbal, it seems as if his aides did not work properly on his election. Initially, he publicly exhibited his disinterest in contesting the election because he could feel choked in a Union Territory where most of the powers have been stuffed into Raj Bhawan. At the same time, however, he asserted that his party would contest, win and rule.
Much later, the party said they pressurised their leader to contest, something he later admitted, saying– how could he convince his colleagues to get into the ring, when he would personally stay away?
The second interesting development was Omar’s decision to contest from Budgam as well. This time, he skipped Beerwah and entered Budgam where Agha Mehmood and his supporters have taken it with a pinch of salt. Last week, it took the party some time to ensure Agha Mehmood (who was hopeful of a ticket as he has represented the party and the segment in past as well) and Agha Ruhullah accompanied him to file his nomination at Budgam. However, Agha’s supporters are spewing fire.
These instances have exposed a layer of vulnerability in Omar’s election for a post-2019 scenario. While Congress and BJP will balance the love and hate they have for Omar, it eventually is the ground that matters. It is too early to predict a result but it is safe to say that it is not any less challenging for him than it was in Baramulla. Personally, Omar is putting on a brave face. After filing his papers in Budgam, he told reporters that the Congress will act against Farooq, who is contesting against him in Ganderbal. In Budgam, he said his campaign will be run by Agha Ruhullah Mehdi, the party MP.
“My decision to contest from two seats is not a sign of weakness but rather a demonstration of strength from the NC,” Omar said. “If there was any real danger of losing, my fellow leaders would not have allowed me to contest here. Their support is proof that, whether it is Baramulla, Srinagar or Anantnag, the wind is blowing in favour of the National Conference.” He said the party is hoping for higher voter participation to dispel the myth that the NC wins only amid boycotts. “There was no boycott in the Parliamentary elections, and we won two out of three seats. There will be no boycott this time, and the NC will emerge victorious.”
