As the BJP’s flag hoisting plan brings back memories of its previous venture in 1992, Haroon Mirani recounts the history of Lal Chowk, which has remained a centre of political upheavals in Kashmir.
Jan 26, 1992: Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) leader Murli Manohar Joshi unfurls tricolour at the Ghanta Ghar, amid heavy security in Lal Chowk, Srinagar’s main square. Sounds of gunfire and blasts, carried out by militants, rock the city. BJP trumpeted victory, as if it had won Kashmir for India by its move.
August 15, 2008: The paramilitary CRPF hoisted the tricolour at Ghanta Ghar (clock tower) in the morning, which by now had become a routine for the paramilitary group in charge of Srinagar. But for a change, the CRPF takes off the flag soon after unfurling ceremony. In the evening a group of protestors, chanting pro-freedom slogans, assemble at the venue and hoist a green flag, triggering panic in New Delhi.
Jan 26, 2009: CRPF stops its practise of flag hoisting at Ghanta Ghar on republic and independence days.
Jan 2011: BJP has embarked on an “ekta yarta” with an aim to hoist tricolour in Lal Chowk on January 26 again. The state government is opposing the move calling it a provocation. Separatist group JKLF has dared the BJP to go ahead with its plan and called for a Lal Chowk march on the day. The drama is unfolding, as January 26 approaches.
Standing in the centre of Kashmir’s Red Square – Lal Chowk-, Ghanta Ghar may not be a historical structure. Nor can it be described as “tall” by any standards. But lately, it has become a centrepiece of jingoist nationalist politics over Kashmir, especially ever since the BJP leader Murli Manohar Joshi hoisted an Indian flag on it in 1992.
If the paramilitary groups enthuse pride in a parallel flag hoisting ceremony (the official state function takes place at Bakshi Stadium) at the tower, large pro-freedom crowds have cheered at people hoisting green flags (or of any separatist group) on the structure in recent years. Jubilant crowds trumpet victory, as if they have snatched Kashmir from India.
Hoisting a flag at Lal Chowk doesn’t change the status of Jammu and Kashmir, but nobody misses the political statement the act makes.
In 2008, when entire Kashmir had erupted in a surprise mass agitation, the government was grappling to contain pro-freedom protests. While brute force was being used to tame people, security agencies made it a priority to secure just one place – Lal Chowk.
The city centre doesn’t comprise of any seat of power, but still the small square was thought to be too dangerous to be left unguarded. Multiple barricades of concertina wire and tin sheets were erected on all sides of Lal Chowk. The clock tower was secured by tin sheets, razor wire, and a tight file of police and paramilitary men. Thousands of troopers thwarted any human movement towards Lal Chowk, as if people were not to come for a simple rally, but to occupy the place.
In the last three years, the clock tower has seen more flags hoisted on it than the years of its existence. Sources say the renovation of Ghanta Ghar in 2010, was designed to prevent any defiant flag bearer to get to the top. But, as it turned out, that was not to be. In September, when Mirwiaz Umar Farooq lead a march on Eid-ul-Fitr from Eidgah to Lal Chowk and addressed people at the venue along with JKLF leader Yasin Malik, scores of flags representing almost every other Kashmiri separatist group saw its way to the tower top.
It may be nothing more than a battle of wits, but the emphasis both sides (state and separatists) give it, provides it enough political weight.
Kashmir has just been through one of its hottest political summers. Echoes of freedom have made headlines around the world. Rightwing Hindu nationalist groups are blaming the Congress-led government in New Delhi for giving in to separatist pressure.
It is in this context that the BJP has launched its ekta yatra or national unity march. On January 12, BJP president Nitin Gadkari flagged off the march from Kolkata by handing over a tricolour to Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha (BJYM) president Anurag Thakur.
The yatra, on a bus converted to look like a chariot used by Hindu warriors of yore, will pass through 11 states before reaching Lal Chowk on Jan 26.
“This is very unfortunate that after 63 years of independence we need to go to Kashmir for hoisting a flag. Lakhs of Kashmiri Pandits have been evicted from Kashmir. Congress is only interested in vote bank politics,” Gadkari said after launching the yatra.
“The problem of Kashmir is because of the appeasement policies of the Congress. Why is it that this government doesn’t have the courage to say no to ‘azaadi’ (freedom) …Kashmir is an integral part of India and it will remain so,” Gadkari said.
Chief Minister Omar Abdullah and his father Farooq Abdullah have already criticised the BJP for the march, describing it as a provocation.
“When Kashmir is now quiet, they want to set it on fire again. The BJP leadership will be wholly and solely responsible for any consequences,” the chief minister said.
State Congress has joined in, opposing the BJP plan. So have the separatists.
Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front leader Yasin Malik said his party would prevent the flag hoisting. Malik also called for a Lal Chowk march on the day. Hurriyat (M) has supported the call.
Nineteen years ago, when militancy in Kashmir was at its peak, BJP had launched a similar march. Militant groups threatened to attack the march in Kashmir. While the procession coming by road was stopped in Jammu as the state government announced the closure of highway to Srinagar, because of “landslides”, Murli Manohar Joshi flew to curfewed Srinagar. He hoisted the flag at Lal Chowk secured by a heavy contingent of police and troops. Gunfire boomed and a few rockets fired by militants fell nearby. But Joshi declared victory.
“At that point of time many secular commentators said that it amounted to declaring ideological war on Kashmir,” said Prof Gul Wani who had been following the events closely. “It was symbolism of exhibition of might of Indian state because Joshi was surrounded by security forces.”
After 1992 it was a routine for troopers stationed at Lal Chowk to unfurl the flag.
The state government is worried that the BJP’s fresh move will add to the tension in the volatile valley. But for now it seems nothing is going to stop the BJP, except if the state is firm on not letting their workers enter the valley, or at least Lal Chowk.
In contemporary history of Kashmir, Lal Chowk has witnessed love, betrayal, passion, drama and destruction.
Lal Chowk’s history is rooted in a bloody revolution thousands of kilometres away in Russia.
Lal Chowk is the living example of communist influence on Kashmir’s political landscape and freedom struggle before 1947.
“The 1917 Russian revolution had profound effect on entire South Asia and Kashmir was not immune to it,” said Prof Wani. “The conditions of Russia and Kashmir were similar at that time – exploitative King, aristocracy, feudalism, agrarian crisis and peasant class.”
In a fit of excitement the young communist supporters of Kashmir named the square in city centre as Lal Chowk, the Urdu equivalent of Moscow’s Red Square. As the ideology of freeing people from exploitation appealed to masses, nobody objected to it and the name stuck.
After that Lal Chowk became the epicentre of politico, social, cultural and economic movements of Kashmir. By 1947 its position was firmly established, despite the fact that the then Maharaja and aristocracy usually avoided Lal Chowk. Their palace and seat of governance was established on the other side of river Jhelum.
A communist study circle not far away from Lal Chowk was also founded where the people associated with this ideology would sit, read and discuss.
Prof Wani says that communism had a profound impact on Kashmir’s political landscape at that time. “Even the Naya Kashmir manifesto of 1944 forwarded by National Conference was the handiwork of certain communist leaders,” said Wani. “People like G M Sadiq, Girdhari Lal Dogra and Peer Gayasudin were heavily influenced by these communist leaders and they were instrumental in bringing communist influence in NC.”
According to Andrew Whitehead, author of Mission in Kashmir, “The contents of the document (Naya Kashmir) were largely translated from a Soviet Central Asian publication. The only section which had to be written afresh was Sheikh Abdullah’s introduction.”
1947
Lal Chowk played its role in shaping the history of the subcontinent in 1947.
As the tribals raided Kashmir in 1947, Kashmir’s future was determined in the lanes of Lal Chowk.
“The environs everywhere were tense and tribals were heading towards Srinagar,” recalls Mohammed Shafi Shehri, 83, perhaps the oldest surviving shopkeeper at Lal Chowk. “The National Conference in order to block their advance selected Maqbool Sherwani for the job.”
Sherwani, according to Shehri, was taught for a couple of hours to ride a scooter. “Then he was dressed in an Achkan (long coat) and trouser of the father of a local NC leader to give him a respectable look,” said Shehri. “He was directed to meet them midway, provide them wrong information and thus save Srinagar and the airport.”
Sherwani did the job perfectly as he misled the raiders by coaxing them about a short cut to the airport. “They couldn’t reach the airport, but the Indian army did and rest is the history,” said Shehri. “The raiders came to know about the truth of Sherwani, but it was too late. He was done a painful death.”
Shehri is one of the few people who saw first group of Indian army, who landed in Kashmir. “They were tall Sikhs chanting religious slogans, ready to fight,” said Shehri.
There was a large square in front of Palladium cinema, which was used for political rallies. After the first Indo-Pak war ended, Sheikh Abdullah addressed the people at this place. “They had captured two raiders and they were shown to people from the window of Punjab Muslim hotel,” said Shehri. “These are the enemies who attacked us and took the Samovar handles, roared Sheikh.”
For most of the people, this was the first time they had seen the raiding tribals and they tipped over each other to have a closer look of the captured raiders.
As people were going through an ideological struggle for determining their future, India’s first prime minister Jawahar Lal Nehru made his bit to woo Kashmir by delivering his famous speech at Lal Chowk. Nehru promised people of a future where they will be free to choose their destiny.
“We have only come to help Kashmir, to throw infiltrators out and once peace is restored, the Indian army will leave,” said Nehru to a record gathering any prime minister of India has managed to attract till date in Kashmir. According to experts, the unfulfilling of that promise heard with lots of expectations, became the starting point of alienation, which turned into hatred and confrontation as it passed on to future generations.
Sheikh Abdullah went a bit further while translating the words of Nehru. Abdullah recited a Persian poem, “Man tu shudam, tu man shudi; Taakas nagoyed baad azi, man degeram tu degeri (I became you and you became I; so none could say you are separate from me).”
At that time Kashmir had very few vehicles. “Just three vehicles used to ferry passengers to Rawalpindi via the Jhelum valley road,” said Shehri. “Local transport was either tongas or people preferred walking on foot due to poverty.”
Shehri himself used to come to his shop in Lal Chowk regularly on foot for over forty years from his residence in the downtown area. He described it as a secret behind his good health at this advanced age.
US-based Foreign affairs magazine once described Lal Chowk as the most volatile bazaar in the most volatile city in India’s most volatile state.
Contemporary history of Kashmir started right from Lal Chowk. The Emergency administration of Jammu and Kashmir took over on 31st of October 1947. Its operational office was set up in Palladium Cinema in Lal Chowk, while the formal offices were in Old Secretariat.
The present-day Palladium cinema was also for some time the office of the National Conference.
“Even the plebiscite Front activities were carried out from certain hotels in Lal Chowk which belonged to the influential workers of the front,” said Wani.
Lal Chowk has also been the epicentre of political feuds particularly between National Conference and the Awami Action committee popularly known as Sher-Bakra fight. “There were some businessmen and hoteliers belonging to the downtown area and they were always at the receiving end of some NC workers,” said Shehri.
Professor Wani terms Lal Chowk as the nerve centre for Kashmir. “It has assumed centrality for Kashmir in every way,” said Wani. “We can compare it with Red Square of Moscow, Times Square of the U.S. or Tiananmen square of China in their importance for their respective regions.”
Lal Chowk has come up to its billing as Kashmir’s political nerve centre. The 1975 Indira-Abdullah Accord, regarded by many as another watershed in Kashmir’s politics, was announced from Lal Chowk by Sheikh Abdullah.
In the run-up to the accord Lal Chowk remained the centre of marathon public meetings, wherein Sheikh Abdullah did his best to bring people around to his viewpoint. “In these meetings, he explained the contents and the context of the accord to the people and told them the circumstances in which this accord was happening,” said Wani.
Shehri remembers an incident when Abdullah was to go to New Delhi to sign the accord. Shehri’s friend, a local baker, known as Noor Daba who was a staunch nationalist, was perturbed by the Abdullah’s “changing attitude”. He single-handedly dared to confront Abdullah at Lal Chowk when the latter was leaving for New Delhi to sign the accord.
“When Sheikh Abdullah had boarded his car, Noor Daba blocked his way with a vermillion mark on his forehead,” said Shehri. “He told Sheikh, you have decided to sell Kashmir, but sell it without me.”
Everybody was surprised, Shehri says, “It was a long time before people understood what Noor was trying to convey.”
A decade later people coming out of a theatre would bring down a large billboard with Shiekh’s picture in Lal Chowk. That marked the end of NC’s hold on the city’s main square. The Mustapha Akkad’s movie Lion of the Desert, many political scientists believe stoked a rebellion where people especially youth began to draw parallels between Abdullah and Omar Mukhtar and were disappointed.
National Conference had got a rousing welcome in Kashmir even after the infamous 1975 Accord
Army raids Lal Chowk
One of the turning points in Army-civilian relations in Kashmir was the army’s vandal raid at Lal Chowk on July 26, 1980. That day, a large army contingent attacked Lal Chowk; vandalising shops, looting, and beating people. Earlier there was a scuffle between some civilians and an army driver, who had hit a civilian vehicle at Tourist Reception Centre.
Taking it as an insult, a large contingent of army men returned and assaulted people in Lal Chowk.
“That was a terrible time …everybody was taken unawares,” said Shehri.
Students, bystanders, businessmen, anyone they could lay hands on was mercilessly thrashed. When police tried to intervene, they too were beaten to a pulp.
The then Superintendent of Police, Ali Muhammad Watali and a police officer, Javed Makhdoomi were hospitalised following the thrashing. Some people allege that the army had brought petrol to set fire to Lal Chowk.
“Prior to that incident army troopers and officers used to visit Lal Chowk for shopping and it was good business,” said Shehri. “But all that changed after the incident as Lal Chowk became out of bounds for Army.”
The army men’s action angered the people.
Next day, Sheikh Abdullah hurriedly addressed people at Lal Chowk, condemned the incident and announced compensation for damaged property. A Court of Inquiry was also ordered, but it never saw the light of it day.
The pain
On July 31, 1988, two bomb blasts rocked Srinagar, one outside the telegraph office, and the other near the golf course, announcing the start of armed insurgency in Kashmir. In the next two decades, Lal Chowk witnessed scores of gun battles and hundreds of grenade attacks.
“We had never seen or even imagined such time,” said Shehri.
A footwear trader at Lal Chowk Aftab Ahmad remembers how Lal Chowk used to buzz with people even after midnight. He says, shopkeepers would leave Lal Chowk after 1 am, when the last show at Palladium cinema would end.
“Transport was readily available and there was sense of security,” said Aftab. “Business too was good as Lal Chowk was a must shop site for tourists as well as locals.”
The biggest incident to impact Lal Chowk was the arson of 1993. On April 10, 1993, a BSF party in retaliation of burning of their abandoned building, allegedly set fire to Lal Chowk. “That was terrible. So many lives too were lost and property and goods worth crores were razed,” said Aftab, who with his father and locals at Koker Bazar salvaged whatever they could, from the fire.
The Human Rights Watch report of 1993, records that as people attempted to flee the burning buildings, they found that the doors bolted from the outside.
“Jammu & Kashmir police officers reported BSF commanders forbade them from helping the trapped civilians escape, saying ‘let them burn’, and even fired on them as they attempted to rescue trapped civilians,” said the report.
Many lives were lost inthe blaze and BSF firing.
BSF troopers also fired on people fleeing in Shikaras. At least 16 bodies were later recovered from the river.
The gutted Palladium cinema remains the mark of that arson, even as other buildings were rebuilt.
The fire destroyed 59 homes, 190 shops, two office buildings, five commercial buildings, two schools, and a shrine.
Lal Chowk has seen too much destruction, Shehri says, and 1993 arson was just one big incident.
Symbol of resistance
Lal Chowk which for decades has been a trading hub and political nerve centre of Kashmir is also the centre of resistance and protests. From SRTC employees demanding their wages to secessionist demonstrations, everybody wants to make it to Lal Chowk.
Political scientists say that the square has assumed a centrality in the imagination of Kashmiris.
Moreover from 1990, the images of crackdowns and shutdowns in Kashmir flashed to the outside world are mostly captured in Lal Chowk.
“Being a media hub has only added to its importance,” says Prof. Wani.
The government is also aware of the political significance of the city’s main square. Whenever separatists call for a march to or demonstration at Lal Chowk the government clamps curfew or restrictions.
Lal Chowk has a high impact value for any incident, which makes it more prone to violent attacks as it makes to the headlines world over.
Off late, the square has been renovated, which some think is the death of Lal Chowk. “The meaning of square is to have large open space with nothing in it and the government has literally destroyed that idea by building an unnecessary park on it,” said Ajaz Rasool. “It is the end of this famous square.”
Lal Chowk is silently witnessing its own transformation, with the distinction of having a clock tower which never shows the time right, perhaps reflecting the bad times Kashmir is living in.
Sheikh Abdullah’s numerous speeches at the square were, Prof Wani says, aimed at raising the political consciousness of the people and instilling a distinct nationality in them besides problems with New Delhi or Pakistan or between the two countries were continuously raised and debated from its podiums “Lal Chowk represents the turbulence of Kashmir politics and political instability of Kashmir,” says Prof Wani
The BJP’s endeavour to unfurl tricolour at Lal Chowk on January 26 is bound to rake up nationalistic passions throughout India, signalling Lal Chowk has grown too big even outside the confines of Kashmir and impacts the lives of more than a billion people.
