Once a JKNC bastion, Kishtwar became the BJP’s stronghold after 2014. Communal tensions, delimitation, and shifting alliances define its politics, where the balance of power remains uncertain, reports Syed Shadab Ali Gillani
For a long time, the Chenab Valley and Kishtwar town in particular have stood out as a unique political landscape where parties have tested their ideas and ideologies. The region’s politics is closely tied to its demography, with social divisions playing a crucial role in shaping and consolidating political loyalties. While the BJP and the JKNC have long dominated this terrain, the emergence of a third political force has so far remained elusive.
It is this delicate balance, or persistent imbalance, of power between the two political forces that has repeatedly shaken the region. From communal tensions to the process of delimitation, much is attributed to the dynamics of this political division.
For nearly a decade, the BJP has held sway over the region, with Sunil Sharma serving as Jammu and Kashmir’s Leader of the Opposition. Recently, the JKNC elected its heavyweight, Sajad A Kitchloo, to the Rajya Sabha. The pressing question now is whether this move will restore a balance of power or deepen the region’s existing asymmetry.
Electoral History
Historically, the district had been a stronghold of the JKNC. The party retained the Kishtwar assembly seat in 2008, but in 2014, the BJP made a decisive breakthrough when Sunil Sharma defeated Sajjad, ending the JKNC’s long-standing dominance. This election marked the BJP’s first substantial foothold in the region.
The outcome in 2014 reflected multiple factors. In the aftermath of the 2013 communal violence, political narratives shifted sharply. Hindu-majority areas rallied behind the BJP, while traditional JKNC and Congress voters faced increasing pressure in regions affected by communal tensions. Effective administrative coordination and the active involvement of the party’s central leadership further strengthened the BJP’s reach.
Journalist turned politician, Firdous Tak, whose contest for the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) mandate is attributed to Sajad’s 2014 defeat, asserts that the Chenab region has been a decisive political force in the erstwhile state. “If one studies our political history, the Chenab belt has long been a stronghold of the National Conference. Later, when the Congress gained ground in the 1970s and 1980s, seat-sharing within the Chenab Valley determined who would rule the state,” Tak said. “Later, as Congress and then the BJP rose to prominence, people of Chenab kept experimenting with different parties, yet the region continued to remain one of the most neglected and backward.”
The region has a mixed population, almost 50:50 Muslim-Hindu. It is the powerhouse of the region, as most of the hydroelectric power plants are built over the Chenab. “This region is strategically critical, as it is the bridge between the Chenab Valley and the Kashmir region, so its significance is great,” a resident and an expert said. “It is the area where secularism has to be ensured. Secularism is critical to the region.”
The BJP Rise
Kitchloo describes the BJP’s growth in the district as “deliberate and structured.” After the 2013 riots, the party strengthened its organisational presence, establishing local committees in Padder, Atholi, and Nagseni. Many residents even noted that party workers from Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, and Rajasthan were brought in to bolster campaigns.
During recent elections, top central leaders, including the Prime Minister and Home Minister, turned their focus to Kishtwar. “In the 2024 elections, there were reports of administrative pressure and even weapon distribution,” Kitchloo alleged, claiming that around 7,000 weapons were circulated during the Model Code of Conduct period. He added that several constituencies were decided by margins of fewer than 500 votes, underscoring the closeness of the contests. “A mix of administrative oversight, voter realignment, and meticulous campaign management ultimately contributed to the BJP’s victories.”
Tak contends that the BJP’s foothold in the region is closely linked to divisive politics that have often exploited communal sensitivities. “Kishtwar has witnessed communal violence in the past, deliberately inflamed and politicised to secure electoral gains, not only within Jammu and Kashmir but also at the national level,” Tak said. “The 2014 parliamentary and subsequent Assembly elections were shaped by this polarisation, with one community made to believe that its future depended solely on the BJP.”
The party’s electoral consolidation included engagement with local welfare programmes, coordination with development interventions, and establishing networks across Hindu-majority localities. By 2024, its presence in Kishtwar and Padder-Nagseni was firmly established.
Before 2014, the BJP was not widely active in this region. But after 2014, it spread rapidly across the Chenab Valley. “The BJP invested all its energy and influence here, that is the main reason behind its rise,” political activist Satish Kumar Baghat said.
Sunil’s political trajectory illustrates the BJP’s strategy in Chenab. After defeating Kitchloo in 2014, he emerged as a new alternative and rose to prominence in 2024. His appointment as LoP consolidation his gains.
Electoral Restructuring
Post-2019, after the abrogation of Article 370, the new 2022 delimitation divided Kishtwar into two assembly constituencies, Kishtwar and Padder-Nagseni. The reorganisation altered electoral arithmetic. In the 2024 elections, the BJP swept both constituencies.
“The Delimitation involved splitting Kishtwar and altering demographic compositions on a communal basis. Hindu-majority areas were incorporated into Kishtwar, and while Muslim-majority areas were merged with other Inderwal,” Kitchloo alleged. “The delimitation process was completely tilted to help the BJP. The Padder constituency, comprising 50,000 voters and despite having an ST population, was not reserved for ST so that the BJP could benefit from it.”
Baghat alleges creation of Padder-Nagseni followed no clear criteria. “There was no consideration of geography, population, or administrative logic. It was done purely to strengthen certain vote banks and vested interests,” he alleged. “Though I cannot say it was communal, it was certainly politically motivated.”
Resident Qazi Mushtaq said the process of delimitation was not carried out fairly or transparently. The political parties that submitted their objections and suggestions to the Commission feel that their concerns were not taken into consideration. “Personally, I believe the entire exercise was one-sided.”
Residents feel the delimitation disrupted the natural demographic and administrative structure, creating unnecessary divisions instead of ensuring fair representation.
Kishtwar’s population is divided nearly equally between Hindus and Muslims, and electoral strategies have leveraged this.
Kitchloo alleged the delimitation was communal as the electorate was divided on religious lines. “Despite all this, we contested the 2024 elections with full spirit. The BJP brought in leaders from Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, and Rajasthan. The Home Minister stayed in Kishtwar for a full day. After receiving reports from the agencies, they still found nothing substantial,” he said. “The BJP has long exploited this balance to create division.”
The Communal Violence
On August 9, 2013, a scuffle escalated into widespread violence, leaving several properties destroyed. A serious law and order situation was managed by curfew restrictions, arrests, army deployment and later constitution of a judicial commission. The rioting that broke out soon after the Eid prayers left four people dead and more than 80 injured. The property loss was in crores.
Kitchloo, then Jr Home Minister, said he had directed police deployment, sought army assistance to safeguard civilians and coordinated the evacuation of women and children to safer locations. A judicial commission, headed by Justice (retired) R C Gandhi, later investigated the incidents and absolved him of all the accusations levelled against him by the right-wing. In a later report, it upheld some of the allegations. On August 11, 2013, he drove to Srinagar to apprise the Cabinet about the whole situation. As the cabinet decided to appoint a judicial commission, Kichloo resigned.
The riots, however, left a lasting impact on the district’s communal relations, voter behaviour, and political narratives. Analysts note that these events created space for the BJP to consolidate Hindu-majority areas politically, while traditional parties faced challenges maintaining support in mixed localities.
Current Scenario
Despite losing Assembly elections for two consecutive terms, Sajad has been nominated to the Rajya Sabha, ensuring Chenab Valley representation at the national level.
“I never thought I would represent my party in Rajya Sabha, but the Almighty had other plans. When I lost the recent assembly election, my people were disappointed, but I had full faith that Allah must have reserved something better for me, and indeed, He did. What I lost in one place, I gained manifold elsewhere,” said Kitchloo.
He views his role in the upper house as an extension of local representation, allowing issues affecting Kishtwar to be raised at the national stage. “I consider it both a responsibility and an honour. My foremost priority will be to raise the issues of Jammu and Kashmir, particularly statehood, unemployment, infrastructure, and equitable development on the national stage. Our state is in distress; funds have dried up, and people are losing faith. I will do everything I can to restore that trust and bring relief to our people.”
Balancing Power
Will it balance the power, especially when the BJP has created its own pockets of huge influence within the region and the government in the last 10 years? With Sajad going to the Rajya Sabha, the party is gradually reclaiming its share in the region’s representation. It has three MLAs: Pyarelal, Sajad Shaheen, and Arjun Singh Raju. The question remains: will this pave the way for a balance of power?
“In this context, some people talk about a ‘balance of power,’ but I personally don’t think there’s any question of balancing power. We are not concerned with political equations; what truly matters is the performance and responsibility of our representatives,” Sajad said. “Currently, there are three MLAs in the district, all elected by the people. We sincerely hope that they will work for the welfare and development of Kishtwar.”
Qazi Mushtaq said that Kishtwar had, in many ways, become a symbol of political significance and good fortune not only for Jammu and Kashmir but for the entire region. He hopes that all three MLAs, along with the MP, would work together for the welfare and progress of Kishtwar’s people.
