Fast earning a tag of ‘security constituency,’ the south Kashmir’s Kulgam district will be polling in phase-II on December 2. Apart from Tarigami & Sakina factor, Shah Abbas argues that buried past and bruised psyches in the region will play a poll prank
There was a time when late Abdul Razaq Mir (Bachroo) was ruling South Kashmir’s Kulgam constituency like a King. Known for his commendable social work irrespective of class, creed, religion and community, Mir was assassinated in nineties when he was a sitting MLA who had won on the ticket of Muslim United Front (MUF) in 1987. All the MUF MLA’s had opted for resignation (except Mir) when armed insurgency took over everything in Kashmir including politics.
Since Mir’s assassination, Kulgam has gone through many political crests and troughs.
Known for the shrine of Syed Mohammad Hussain Simnani and river Veshaw, Kulgam will be polling in phase-II scheduled polls in 87-seat state assembly. Last time when the constituency geared for assembly polls, the state Marxist leader MY Tarigami (who is representing Kulgam since last 18 years) defeated PDP’s Nazir Ahmad Laway by a small margin of 236 votes. It was 2008; and Tarigami had secured 17175 votes against Laway’s 16939.
Tarigami won at the eleventh hour when migrant votes were counted in 2008 polls. But six years after, the local poll-watchers are saying, Tarigami is sensing a strong and stiff competition from his close rival Laway. Propelled by PDP’s far-reaching grassroots approach, Laway might be gearing up to enter assembly from Kulgam. But hang on a second! When it comes to politics, Tarigami is no minnow; besides, his seasoned sense of siyasat won’t make the Laway’s debut a cakewalk.
Tarigami played his poll trump card quite astutely recently when he and his “third front” decided against fielding any candidate in Beerwah, a new poll-turf of chief minister Omar Abdullah. The trick worked when Omar reciprocated to his ‘gesture’ by fielding Imran Nabi Dar (a lesser known candidate from Kulgam constituency). Dar hails from the same area where PDP had managed to poll over 70 percent votes (in 2008). (Dar is the son of late NC leader Ghulam Nabi Dar who was killed in a grenade attack in 2010. Social Welfare minister Sakina Ittoo was injured in that blast.) This poll ‘fragmentation tactics’ has though relieved Tarigami a bit, but his fears are persistent that PDP is still a big hurdle for him to secure a fourth consecutive assembly ticket.
Amid PDP’s poll pullouts, Congress fielded its candidate in Kulgam after a very long time. The local commentators apprehend, the candidature of Congress’s Nizam-ul-din may be the result of a “secret deal” between Congress and Tarigami. “PDP was enjoying Congress’s support in absence of its own candidate over the years,” says Javed Ahmad, a local. “Now, when Congress will have its own symbol present on the EVM, why should they press Pen and Inkpot?”
PDP factor apart, Tarigami (enjoying a ministerial treatment in opposition since long) is confident of his victory because of “development” swept over Kulgam during his tenure as legislator.
But PDP is selling “change”; and, it is being sold like a hot cake. “The people of Kulgam can be seen discussing the topic of ‘change’ in almost every nook and corner but whom they will vote finally is unpredictable,” believes a local newspaper hawker. The topics of “political ideologies” have also started becoming public even lesser educated elderly also take part in such debates. “We have been voting in the name of bijli, sadak, pani; but now, political ideologies are a preference,” says a retired banker. “People have started asking questions about ideologies and this is an encouraging sign.”
A government employee, Mohammad Iqbal says, “Yes, we want change, and the change will occur.” When asked does he means the “change” as advocated by PDP, he answered swiftly, “change is change; and you know, words don’t change their meanings on anybody’s will.”
Apart from roads, courtrooms are equally abuzz with politics. An advocate in the district court says, Kulgam is anybody’s game between CPI (M)’s Tarigami and PDP’s Laway. “But,” he says, “there are hidden players who have been managing the whole election process over the years.” It is their mood, he continues, which prevails at the end of the day. He, however, decline to elaborate his view; nor did he identify the “hidden players”. But he says, the “hidden players” have been managing the success of their favourites over the years and for that, “hidden games are being played behind the curtains”.
An erstwhile stronghold of anti-India armed insurgency, Kulgam has bled profusely since nineties. The people living in the segment haven’t forgotten the dreaded nineties when they were caught between Ikhwanis, militants and army. “We have lot to say,”says a cleric of a local mosque in Chawalgam, “but time is not right to reveal things.” But, he says, time will certainly come “when we will open up and world will hear us”.
On election talk, the cleric echoes the common take of the town. (Kulgam town can prove decisive. Many say, whether the town votes or boycotts is sure to affect the results.) “Elections are taking place since very long,” the cleric continues, “but I personally don’t take any interest in poll process.” And yes, he says, people this time are taking “extraordinary interest in the process”.
For the upcoming polls, eight candidates are in fray from Kulgam: CPI (M)’s Yousuf Tarigami, Congress’s Peer Nazim-ud-Din, BSP’s Riyaz Ahmad Shah, NC’s Imran Nabi Dar, BJP’s Ghulam Hassan Zargar, PDP’s Nazir Ahmad Laway, and independent Towseef Ahmad Shah and Rashida Mir.
What Kulgam is for CPI (M), Noorabad is same for NC. The equation is simple: if Tarigami loses Kulgam, his party will be simply uprooted from the region; and similarly, if NC loses Noorabad, it will be buried in South Kashmir—at least, for next six years.
Sakina holds the keys of NC’s last fort in this part of the state.
But to NC’s dismay, Sakina is facing a stiff contest by pitting against PDP’s Abdul Majid Paddar. She won the 2008 contest by 4518 votes securing total 16240 votes against 11722 of PDP’s Abdul Aziz Zargar who passed away last year.
“NC is staking everything in Noorabad,” claims Aijaz Ahmad, a local teacher, “because it knows Sakina’s success is so vital for its survival in South Kashmir.” And, he continues, the people who matter in the area are busy making “good deals with the party”.
Sakina’s significance for NC has increased manifold after Dr Mehboob Beg (one time provincial president) abandoned the party. The son of late Sheikh Abdullah’s right hand has announced his support for Mufti Mohammad Sayeed, the archrival of Abdullah family. “Sakina’s defeat will be the bolt from blue for NC after Dr Beg’s announcement,” believes Tariq Ali Mir, a Srinagar-based scribe.
Even the local NC sympathisers are aware of it. A grocer in the Damhal market who proudly calls himself a “Nationalle” says, “We will not let the flag of Alebayne [plough] fall.” But yes, he admits, “we lack leadership and we are dejected by the decision of Mehboob Beg.” The NC insiders, however, are very much troubled by the fact that the party is struggling hard even to retain one assembly segment in South Kashmir.
15 candidates are in fray from Noorabad: NC’s Sakina Itoo, BSP’s Abdur Rehman Magray, PDP’s Abdul Majeed Padder, JKNPP’s Mushtaq Ahmad, BJP’s Mushtaq Ahmed Malik, Congress’s Manzoor Ahmad Zargar; independent: Akther Hussain Shah, Bilal Ahmad Bhat, Bashir Ahmad Bhat, Tawseef Ahmad Dar, Abdul Rashid Bhat, Gulzar Ahmed Mir, Mohd Amin Teli, Mushtaq Ahmad Doie and Mehraj-ud-Din Dar.
Homshalibugh and Devsar are two more segments in South Kashmir set for December 2 polls, represented by PDP’s Abdul Gafar Sofi and Sartaj Madni respectively. Madni, the deputy speaker of legislative assembly and brother-in-law of PDP patron Mufti Sayeed is considered the most favourite against NC’s Peerzada Ghulam Ahmad and Congress’s Mohammad Amin Bhat in Devsar. There are many others in the contest but are least counted, including BJP’s Fayaz Ahmad Bhat, BSP’s Mushtaq Ahmad Bhat, AIFB’s Asif Jeelani and independents, Mudasir Rashid Mir and Nisar Ahmad Hajam.
Political pundits believe Madni is all set to complete his hat trick from his favourite poll ground. He was elected in 2008 by a winning margin of 4001 votes against NC’s Ghulam Ahmad Shah. Madni secured 14175 against Shah’s 10174 after a high percentage of 86.68.
Similarly, Homshalibugh (once known for paddy crops) is about to witness a tough contest between PDP’s Abdul Gadar Sofi and NC’s Abdul Majid. Majid during his tenure as MLC reached a large number of people, locals say, and that is sure to pay him in the upcoming contest. However, Sofi has tightened his grip over selected areas which give him an edge over Majid. Sofi won the last contest defeating Majid by a margin of 4810 votes. Sofi had secured 12249 against 7439 of Majid after 54.36 percent of voting.
However, security beef up before polls has set off a wave of resentment in poll-bound Kulgam district with locals alleging harassments by forces who have erected many check-points for frisking. This garrisoned-type security has invoked scenes of nineties when people were even scared to step out of their homes.
A middle-aged man standing at a corner of the Simnan Sahab Shrine (Syed Mohammad Hussain Simnani) overlooking the river Veshaw is loudly repeating: “Khudaya Rahem, Khudaya Bachaw.”
One shrine attendant identifies him as Wasta… from Chawalgam locality. He says an extraordinary movement of men in uniform often triggers a strange fear in Wasta who then grows panic and restless.
During early nineties (when election clamour was unimaginable), the shrine attendant says, army along with Ikhwanis had established their zonal headquarters at Chawalgam. “Human rights abuses like killings, abductions were order of the day,” he claims. Hundreds of Ikhwanis stationed in the Chawalgam army camp always remained ready to kill, loot and burn, he continues.
“Wasta was not only beaten many a times but also insulted and abused mentally,” he says. “He was forced to run naked in the presence of women folk around many times.” Wasta is an eyewitness to a number of human rights violations in the area, he continues.
The notoriously famous Chawalgam army camp is history now; but Wasta’s inflicted mental bruises are tragedy. “That is why, any extraordinary forces’ movement scares him, and triggers a strange fear in him,” the shrine attendant elaborates.
On December 2 when polling begins in Kulgam, those with buried past will instantly fall in lines. And those with bruised psyches (like Wasta) might stick to old guards: boycott!
